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Spring 2003

June Jordan’s Legacy: Will Labor Accept the Gift?
By Paula Finn

The author of 26 books of poetry, essays and children’s stories, June Jordan wrote and spoke out on every major political battle of the past half century¾from apartheid and the US-sponsored war in Nicaragua to the Harlem riots, gay rights, nuclear proliferation, and Rodney King.  She often traveled¾to Palestine, Nicaragua, Kosovo, South Africa, Ireland, Los Angeles, Mississippi¾to smell the air, speak with the people and take her own measure of events.  The moral vision she elaborated, startling in its breadth and lyricism, moved her audiences and, quite intentionally, alarmed her allies and enemies alike.  Her work remains a legacy from which organized labor¾stymied by narrow views of its interests and hobbled by insularity and defensiveness ¾ could draw inspiration.

Jordan came of age as a poet during the black arts movement of the 1960s and 70s.  Among the first generation of prominent black women writers, she was a contemporary of Toni Morrison, Nikki Giovanni, Alice Walker, Audre Lord, and Sonia Sanchez, among others.   She took seriously her role in opening new ground for younger politically engaged writers.  A self-proclaimed descendant of Walt Whitman, she heralded a poetry steeped in “domesticities such as disco, Las Vegas, McDonalds, and forty dollar running shoes”1, accessible and intimate in its use of language, and concerned with “the conflicts between the hungry and the fat, the wasteful, the bullies.”2

Born in Harlem, and raised in the Bedford Suyvesant section of Brooklyn, Jordan was the working-class daughter of Jamaican immigrants¾a night shift postal worker and a nurse¾ who managed to send their only child to a private high school in Massachusetts and then to Barnard College.  She married a white student from Columbia University active in anti-McCarthy causes.  They had a son and divorced some years later.  In her memoir, Soldier: A Poet’s Childhood, she describes her father’s zealousness about her education, enforcing long hours of reading and study the moment she entered primary school.  He was a driven and violent man who beat her often.  She learned to fight back, and kept a knife under her pillow to guard against his nighttime attacks.  Her mother committed suicide in the 1960s.  In her writing she struggles to understand the social roots of her parents’ desperation. 

Her multiple identities¾Black mother of a biracial child, working class student at elite schools, bisexual, poet¾kept her from easy assumptions.  She opposed Israel’s military support for Botha’s apartheid regime, and its wars against the Palestian people, and also wrote, “Are you hunting for Jews?  You’re looking for me!”3  When black public opinion coalesced to defend or explain O.J. Simpson, Jordan, in her regular column for The Progressive, attacked him and the power money wields in U.S. justice system.  In another essay for the Progressive, Jordan juggles the same issues of race, gender and class, differently aligned in the case of Mike Tyson.  She describes Tyson’s barren, impoverished Brooklyn neighborhood, devoid of trees, fresh produce, even laundromats, a short bus ride from where she herself grew up.  Viewing Tyson as a modern-day Bigger Thomas whose crimes emanate from and bespeak a larger social atrocity, she writes:

            I am Black.  And Mike Tyson is Black.  And neither one of us was ever supposed

            to win at anything more than a fight between the two of us.  . . .

            Do I believe he is guilty of rape?

            Yes I do.

            And what would I propose as appropriate punishment?

            Whatever will force him to fear the justice of exact retribution, . .  .

            And do I therefore rejoice in the jury’s finding?

            I do not.

            Well, would I like to see Mike Tyson a free man again?

            He never was free!4

 

Her writing keeps a number of balls in the air.  She does this with such moral rigor and grace that the labor movement¾still so dominated by a view that characterizes concerns about “identity” as distractions, at best¾would do well to study her work and take more than a page from it. 

She upheld a vision of a new society of extreme diversity, radically egalitarian, based on love¾not unlike Goldman, King and others¾long absent from labor’s parlance.  She writes in a poem entitled Easter Comes to the East Coast addressed to then-President Reagan:

            This ain’ no coalition

            This ain’ no spirit no muscle no body to stop the bullets

            We not serious

            NO NO NO NO NO

            And I ain’ never heard about El Salvador;

            I ain’ never seen the children sliced

            and slaughtered at Sumpul Riverside

            And I ain’ never heard about Atlanta;

            I ain’ never seen the children strangled in the woods

            I ain’ never seen the marines state troopers or the police

            out here killing people

            And I ain’ never heard about no rage no tears

            no developing

            rebellion

            I ain’ never felt no love enough to fight what’s hateful

            to my love

            NO NO NO NO NO

            This is just a fantasy.

            We just  kidding around.

 

            You watch!5

 

The narrow limits of labor’s moral concern contributes to its persistent depiction as a special interest group, and partially explains why its leaders must now search for many of their activist members in temples and churches.  Those places of worship, incidentally, often transmit moral vision through a language steeped in poetry. 

Labor’s halting moral articulation surfaces daily, as in the recent comments of a progressive labor leader to a group of student activists in New York.  “If you want to do good, be a priest or a social worker¾not a trade unionist,” he exhorted them, “Unions are about getting power, not about doing good.”  Jordan would have asked, “Why choose between reaching for power and doing good?” 

Whether she writes of Lebanon, Guatemala, or Grand Forks, Jordan’s political outrage emanates from a profound, even sensual compassion.  In a lyricism stunning in its musicality and devastating in its effect, she speaks of:

the grace of a boy removing

            a white mask he makes beautiful . . .

 

in part we grew

            grandmother husband son

            together when the laborblinding day was done

 

            in part we grew

            as we were meant to grow

            ourselves

            with kings and queens no whiteman knew . . .

           

            I trust you will remember how we tried to love

            above the pocket deadly need to please

            and how so many of us died there

            on our knees . . .6

Hers is a political poetry that delineates human aspirations and love, however fragile or threatened. 

I met June Jordan in 1980 when I was an undergraduate at the State University of New York at Stony Brook, where she taught for over a decade.  She was one of those rare, inspired teachers able to alter or crystallize the worldviews and life ambitions of her students.  During the 80s, Jordan spearheaded teach-ins on South Africa and sparked a campus-based, student-lead anti-apartheid group. 

Influential in my decision to become a poet, Jordan made unusual efforts to promote my work¾and that of may other students.  Upon my graduation, she told me of a poetry reading that she had been asked to give but couldn’t.  She recommended to the organizers that I take her place on the program.  They invited me.  I agreed, and on the night of my performance, she showed up, after all, with flowers, cheering vociferously.  We stayed in close touch for many years.  Despite her teaching, prolific writing and a busy national and international speaking schedule, she regularly took time to provide me with editorial comments on my poetry, and maintained a lively correspondence that carried me through young adulthood.

For this reason, I was not surprised to discover that, as Professor of African Studies at UC Berkeley, she had created the Poetry for the People project.  This innovative project, involving hundreds of her students, enabled young poets to become workshop leaders for other students, and to get poetry readings and workshops in to the surrounding communities, on the airwaves and into print.  The project generated, among other events, a teach-in on the Persian Gulf War and a student anthology entitled Poetry for the People in a Time of War.  Jordan’s book, Poetry for the People: A Revolutionary Blueprint, describes this far-flung, democratic experiment and provides a how-to for starting new projects of its type.

On June 14, 2002, June Jordan died after a decade-long fight with breast cancer.  In the title essay of her final book Some of Us Did Not Die, penned in the aftermath of September 11th, she ponders the responsibilities of those who survive devastation.  “To live,” she writes “means you owe something big to those whose lives have been taken away from them.”7   It is with this charge that she lived her own life, and for those of us who hold out for power and a deepened humanity, Jordan has left us many young people anxious to share the work as well as a body of writing to challenge and incite us as we go.

 

 



1 J. Jordan, Passion , New Poems 1977-1980 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1980), p. xv

2 Ibid, p. xxiv

3 J. Jordan, Some of Us Did Not Die (Basic/Civitas Books, 2002)

4 J. Jordan, The Progressive, February 1992

5 J. Jordan, Living Room, New Poems 1980-1984 (NY, Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1985) p. 66

6 J. Jordan, “Who Look at Me” from Things That I do in the Dark, Selected Poems (Boston, Beacon Press, 1967)

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